Russian diplomacy and the opening of the Eastern question in 1838 and 1839
In: Harvard historical monographs 4
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In: Harvard historical monographs 4
In: (Vintage Russian Library V 703)
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 303
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science Vol. 263
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 87, Heft 3, S. 467-468
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 216
In: Journal of international affairs, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 5
ISSN: 0022-197X
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 527-527
ISSN: 2325-7784
In: Foreign affairs: an American quarterly review, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 64
ISSN: 2327-7793
In: Foreign affairs, Band 46, S. 64-77
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Slavic review: interdisciplinary quarterly of Russian, Eurasian and East European studies, Band 25, Heft 3, S. 550-550
ISSN: 2325-7784
In: The review of politics, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 210-237
ISSN: 1748-6858
THE "third world" of the developing and, for the most part, newly independent nations is, for Communists of all brands and allegiances, both a crucial arena of political competition against the "imperialists" and the center of their hopes for new victories. Yet there are important differences in the way Moscow and Peking view these opportunities. The Soviet leadership believes that the many poor and ambitious countries will, later if not sooner, decide that Communism offers them the best prospects for raising their status in the world. Chinese Communist propaganda, on the other hand, calls for an ever more militant struggle of "national liberation" to expel the "imperialists" from Asia, Africa, and Latin America and to unite the developing countries under Peking's leadership. Thus, in addition to being a principal focus of Communist hopes and efforts, the question of the "correct" policy toward the third world has unleashed deep-set rivalries and antagonisms between and within ruling and nonruling Communist parties alike.
In: The review of politics, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 210
ISSN: 0034-6705
In: International organization, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 666-677
ISSN: 1531-5088
From its founding the United Nations has been a frequent source of puzzlement and embarrassment to Soviet policy makers. Given the reticence of Soviet statesmen, past and present, and the inaccessibility of Soviet diplomatic archives, we can only speculate about the expectations which were in the minds of Premier Joseph Stalin and Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov when they gave their approval to the Moscow Four-Nation Declaration on General Security of October 1943, the first great-power commitment to the establishment of a new international organization. For United States policy makers, certainly, this unprecedented commitment, buttressed by the Vandenberg Resolution, marked an important change in their nation's perspective and purpose. It represented a new determination, even if a vaguely defined one, to cooperate with other nations in establishing and maintaining a better foundation for international peace and order. For the Soviet leaders, who were celebrating the grim liberation of Kiev in the midst of the Moscow Conference, there was probably little time, and certainly no leisure, to speculate about the possible congruence or incongruence of Soviet ambitions with the stabilizing and even static assumptions that underlay a revived and expanded peacekeeping league of states.